FT: The playwright who became president
Havel is, however, disappointed that ex-communist societies have followed the west in embracing globalisation and rampant consumerism. At our meeting he makes clear that there is little that can be done about this in free societies. "But I feel there is no reason why we shouldn't reflect upon this trend. It is a two-faced trend: on the one hand it brings people thousands of advantages and joys and pleasures; on the other, it is endangering the human race."
I wonder whether there isn't some intellectual snobbery hiding behind this anti- consumerism and put it to him that if people wished to use their freedom to go to McDonald's, why shouldn't they? He responds: "I don't want to prevent anyone from being able to do that. What I want to say is something different . . . I get the sense that we are the first civilisation in the history of mankind that is completely atheist. Human existence now isn't metaphysically anchored in any way in a code of moral conduct, from which we could then derive a legal code.
"That doesn't mean I don't enjoy the delicacies I can buy at the local supermarket . . . What I'm talking about is the underlying atheism and anti-spirituality of our civilis-ation. We don't know where it's going to go from here and what it will bring for the human race."
His book has more to say about the US than Europe, and I ask Havel about his admiration for America. He says: "The US, and especially New York, is a sort of a bazaar of the entire world. Everything is there, mixed together. It's a view upon the entire world, isn't it? I find that atmosphere appealing. It's a truly free country."
I ask him whether his fascination with the US is compatible with his concerns about consumerism and globalisation, in which American companies are prominent. He insists there is no contradiction: "Global corporations are by definition global, so it is not just a US invention or a US job, even though obviously the US plays a bigger role in this than the Czech Republic, for instance," he says. "It is a phenomenon of our civilisation. I don't think it's good to associate it solely with America or even with America as a country that invented this."
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The playwright who became president
By Stefan Wagstyl
Published: July 5 2008 03:00 | Last updated: July 5 2008 03:00
Always a shy man, Václav Havel shuffles into view as if, even in his own office, he feels uncertain of his surroundings.
Years of fame as a dissident writer, anti-communist revolutionary and president of both Czechoslovakia and the Czech Republic do not seem to have robbed the 71-year-old philosopher-king of his natural diffidence.
His welcome is warm but a little hesitant. His handshake is restrained. His voice, gravelled by decades of smoking that ended in lung cancer, is so gentle that it is hard to imagine him delivering the hundreds of speeches that he has made.
And yet the moment the conversation begins he comes alive. It is as if the mind inside this frail body has energy far bigger than the frame in which it is confined. He listens intently, pauses before speaking and shapes his answers with deliberate care - plus occasional flashes of the wit that brought him early acclaim as a playwright.
We sit down at a stylish cherry-red table in a space carved out of a period building in Prague's historic centre. It is a selfconsciously modern office with glass bookshelves and walls hung with contemporary art. Havel wears jeans and an open-necked blue shirt. Around him are scores of books in Czech, German and English.
Coffee is served - a mug for Havel and a delicate china cup for me - and a plate of chocolate biscuits that go untouched. I had asked to meet in a restaurant for lunch, but was told this would be difficult because Havel is so well known that we would be constantly interrupted.
I quiz Havel about his pictures. He says they are largely gifts he received as president and points to a colourful Buddhist tapestry. "There are small things here. But what is important is this carpet. It is a gift from the Dalai Lama, and only seven people all around the world have this kind of carpet," says Havel.
For many other public figures this would be a boast. But for Havel it is a statement of the obvious: his time as president transformed his life into what he calls "a fairytale" in which extraordinary events such as meetings with the Dalai Lama, not to mention Pope John Paul II, the Clintons and Robert Redford, became ordinary.
This year Havel published an English edition of his recollections of his presidency, entitled To the Castle and Back . It is not so much a memoir as a series of commentaries, interspersed with contemporan-eous office notes and entries from a diary he kept in 2005 while working on the book. President Havel worries about everything from the future of the planet to the half-cooked potatoes served to the visiting Emperor of Japan and the bat that has taken up residence in his summer house. "In the closet where the vacuum cleaner is kept there also lives a bat. How to get rid of it? The light bulb has been unscrewed so as not to wake it up and upset it."
As he leaves the castle for the last time, he wonders about what happens to an ex-president in a country with little experience of ex-presidents. He writes: "I have to smile to myself when I realise that people don't know how to address me. Some say 'Mr President', others say 'Mr former President', some say 'Mr Havel' and it's only a matter of time before someone addresses me as 'Mr former Havel.'"
He also worries about the failure of ex-communist states to complete the revolutions of 1989 by reforming what he calls post-communism - the domination of former communists in positions of economic power. I ask him how the reform of post-communism is progressing. He says the fight is still on, with victories in popular revolts in Ukraine and Georgia and more sedate gains in central Europe. "As the young generation grows up, society needs to rid itself of the power of the people deformed by communism, people who had succeeded in quickly establishing themselves in the new regimes and in occupying various powerful positions."
Havel is, however, disappointed that ex-communist societies have followed the west in embracing globalisation and rampant consumerism. At our meeting he makes clear that there is little that can be done about this in free societies. "But I feel there is no reason why we shouldn't reflect upon this trend. It is a two-faced trend: on the one hand it brings people thousands of advantages and joys and pleasures; on the other, it is endangering the human race."
I wonder whether there isn't some intellectual snobbery hiding behind this anti- consumerism and put it to him that if people wished to use their freedom to go to McDonald's, why shouldn't they? He responds: "I don't want to prevent anyone from being able to do that. What I want to say is something different . . . I get the sense that we are the first civilisation in the history of mankind that is completely atheist. Human existence now isn't metaphysically anchored in any way in a code of moral conduct, from which we could then derive a legal code.
"That doesn't mean I don't enjoy the delicacies I can buy at the local supermarket . . . What I'm talking about is the underlying atheism and anti-spirituality of our civilis-ation. We don't know where it's going to go from here and what it will bring for the human race."
Pointing to a mobile phone, he says: "Fifty years ago, I wouldn't have imagined this little device could be used to make calls all over the world, to make video recordings, and to send images. If someone had told me about this then, I would have thought the future world would be a wonderful one when people would have these things and would be able to communicate better. But that didn't happen. The world today is worse, and it is full of more traps and contradictions than it was 50 years ago."
I am shocked to hear him go this far. Surely, at least in ex-communist central Europe, the world is incomparably better than it was 50 years ago? Havel answers patiently: "Yes, of course it is a good thing that the Iron Curtain fell and that communism ended, but that still doesn't mean that the world is a better place. The big differences between the developed world and the developing world are deeper than ever. The unifying forces of globalisation incite various forms of chauvinism or nationalism. Terrorists almost have the capacity to fire nuclear missiles. The world is full of various dangers, including ecological ones in the form of climate change, and so on."
He continues: "I'd say that it is a good thing that the world is no longer divided in two, but new superpowers are emerging, and who knows what this will bring? China today is more powerful than Russia. Russia is witnessing the rise of a strange, special sort of dictatorship with strong imperialist demands, albeit dressed more elegantly than before."
I ask Havel why, in his book, he is so rude about his fellow Czechs. He writes of the "bitter provincialism" of the "little Czechs". Elsewhere he writes: "What they [Czechs] consider ideal is the capacity to enjoy various blessings - as far as possible with no struggle, no work and no cost."
Although Havel does not say so, a prime exponent of "little Czech" politics is the Eurosceptic Václav Klaus, his rival and successor as Czech president. Havel describes in his book how the Thatcherite Klaus made an uneasy political companion for Havel and other mainstream liberals who led 1989's "Velvet Revolution". When Havel became president and Klaus prime minister, Klaus's well-known arrogance caused repeated conflicts even over the most trivial incidents, such as Havel's decision to express officially his regrets at the death of Frank Zappa. Havel writes that Klaus would have been "happiest if I had submitted everything to him in advance for approval".
Despite these barbs, many Czechs are disappointed the book does not say more about the Havel-Klaus relationship. Havel says: "I am very much opposed to reducing the last 20 years of our history to personal tiffs between myself and Václav Klaus. And I don't like it when people get the impression that I did nothing but fight with him. I don't like that, and it doesn't reflect reality."
Havel denies that Leaving , the first play he has written since the end of communism, has anything to do with Klaus, even though many Czechs think it has. The work concerns a leader who has lost power but is reluctant to admit it and refuses to surrender his official residence to a successor named Vlastik Klein. Havel insists he conceived the idea in 1988, before the Velvet Revolution.
I ask Havel about his controversial second wife, the actress Dagmar Veskrnová. Many Czechs were upset when Havel married Ms Veskrnova, his long-standing girlfriend, in 1997 in what they saw as indecent haste within months of the death of his first wife, the widely admired Olga Havlová. I suggest that having become a moral authority far beyond his country's borders, he might have behaved with greater care. He shoots back: "Yes, but even a moral authority has the right to marry a second wife when his first wife dies, no? It was about something else . . . These campaigns [against Dagmar] had a strange element of jealousy, as though the public felt abandoned or betrayed when I remarried, as if society were an abandoned lover. It's an interesting phenomenon."
We turn to Europe. Havel, a passionate pro-European, is keen that the European Union's constitutional treaty should be kept alive despite its rejection in the recent Irish referendum. He is convinced the EU will muddle through, and, ignoring President Klaus's misgivings, says the Czech Republic should press on with ratification. Only then, he believes, should the EU consider a simpler treaty: "It would be best now to quietly select some three or four people who could create a beautiful, simple constitution that children could learn about at school."
His book has more to say about the US than Europe, and I ask Havel about his admiration for America. He says: "The US, and especially New York, is a sort of a bazaar of the entire world. Everything is there, mixed together. It's a view upon the entire world, isn't it? I find that atmosphere appealing. It's a truly free country."
I ask him whether his fascination with the US is compatible with his concerns about consumerism and globalisation, in which American companies are prominent. He insists there is no contradiction: "Global corporations are by definition global, so it is not just a US invention or a US job, even though obviously the US plays a bigger role in this than the Czech Republic, for instance," he says. "It is a phenomenon of our civilisation. I don't think it's good to associate it solely with America or even with America as a country that invented this."
A last question. Has he, I ask, since he is photographed on the cover of his book with a cigarette in hand, stuck to his promise to stop smoking? "I haven't smoked in 12 years," he says, "but about 40 times a day I feel like having a cigarette."
Stefan Wagstyl is the FT's eastern Europe editor. 'To the Castle and Back' (Portobello Books, £20). To buy it for the special FT Bookshop price of £16 plus P&P, call: 0870-429 5884.
Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2008
Two
recently published books cast an eye over the early years of
spiritualism and explore how the phenomenon was regarded in its
infancy. Antonio Melechi’s Servants of the Supernatural and Deborah Blum’s Ghost Hunters
both show how Victorian intellectuals were at pains to consider
spiritualism from a scientific standpoint and use it to form a bridge
between fact and religious faith.
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